In Libido Dominandi, E. Michael Jones explores the historical thesis that sexual liberation has been systematically utilized as a sophisticated method of political and social control. The text traces a two-hundred-year trajectory from the Enlightenment and the Marquis de Sade to modern behavioral psychology and the advertising industry, arguing that inciting passions renders individuals more manageable by the state. By eroding traditional moral structures and the authority of the family, powerful elites utilize the resulting addictions and guilt to manipulate public behavior and suppress political opposition. Jones suggests that what is marketed as personal “freedom” is actually a form of bondage that replaces internal self-governance with external technological and psychic regulation. Ultimately, the work posits that a culture governed by unrestrained appetite inevitably leads to a totalitarian social order dominated by those who provide and regulate those gratifications.
In this historical and philosophical analysis, E. Michael Jones explores the thesis that sexual liberation is not a path to individual freedom, but rather a sophisticated mechanism of political control. The text traces a two-hundred-year trajectory from the Enlightenment and the Marquis de Sade to modern behavioral psychology, arguing that the incitation of passion serves to undermine the rational self-governance required for a healthy republic. By systematically dismantling traditional moral constraints through the promotion of pornography and contraception, elite “mandarins” and foundational institutions foster a state of addiction and guilt that renders the citizenry more susceptible to manipulation. Ultimately, the work asserts that the subversion of the moral order is a prerequisite for the subversion of the political order, transforming autonomous individuals into docile consumers and manageable subjects of a biocratic state.
Video: The 200-Year Plan to Own You
Libido Dominandi: An Analysis of Sexual Liberation as a Mechanism of Social Control
Introduction: The Paradox of Power
This analysis traces the history of a potent and enduring political idea: that sexual liberation, far from being a genuine expression of individual freedom, has served as a sophisticated mechanism of social and political control. It is the intellectual history of a doctrine, refined over two centuries, which posits that by systematically inciting and manipulating human passions, a ruling class can achieve a more profound form of dominion than could ever be accomplished through overt force.
At the core of this strategy lies the concept of Libido Dominandi—the passion for dominion—as described by St. Augustine in his critique of the Roman Empire. Augustine identified a fundamental paradox within the City of Man: it is a society that “lust[s] to dominate the world” but is, at the same time, “itself dominated by its passion for dominion.” Those who seek to control others by appealing to their base appetites are themselves slaves to the very passions they manipulate. In this grim calculus, the would-be masters are ultimately as enthralled as those they seek to subjugate.
This document will trace the historical trajectory of this idea, from its philosophical roots in Enlightenment materialism to its practical application in 20th-century psychology, advertising, revolutionary politics, and mass media. Drawing exclusively upon the provided source material, this analysis will demonstrate how a consistent esoteric doctrine—incite the passion; control the man—has been the engine of social engineering for generations. We shall begin by examining the intellectual origins of this mechanism of control, born from the radical philosophies of the Enlightenment.
Part I: Enlightenment and Revolutionary Origins
The Enlightenment’s Materialist Philosophy: Removing the Moral Obstacle
The intellectual foundation for harnessing passion as an instrument of control was strategically laid by the materialist philosophy of the Enlightenment. To “liberate” humanity for manipulation, it was first necessary to demolish the primary obstacle to such a project: the traditional moral order. This required a redefinition of human nature itself, a philosophical maneuver undertaken by thinkers who provided the rationale for dismantling ethics.
Philosophers like Baron d’Holbach and Julien Offray de la Mettrie argued that human beings were not spiritual entities endowed with reason and free will, but were merely complex “machines” or matter in motion. By reducing humanity to a set of physical causes and effects determined by “Nature,” they nullified the basis of traditional morality. If a person’s actions are the “necessary effects of those qualities infused into him by Nature,” then concepts of virtue, vice, and remorse become meaningless. This philosophical shift made liberation from the moral law seem not a transgression, but a logical consequence of embracing the natural world.
The practical outcome of this worldview was articulated with brutal clarity by the Marquis de Sade, a man who would later be described as a “shameful ruin,” his physical state the very emblem of his philosophy’s human cost. He provided a working definition of the new Enlightenment man, the “philosopher”:
“[He] sates his appetites without inquiring to know what his enjoyments may cost others, and without remorse.”
In this single phrase, Sade captures the essence of a liberation founded on materialism. It is the satisfaction of passion without guilt, justified by a philosophy that transforms human beings into machines and, consequently, all sexual activity into a form of masturbation. Once this intellectual demolition was complete, it was only a matter of time before social engineers began to devise ways to harness this newly “liberated” energy. This philosophical groundwork provided the justification for the first systematic application of these ideas for control by a secret society known as the Illuminati.
The Illuminati: A Blueprint for Psychic Control
While the Illuminati’s direct political effectiveness was limited, its true historical significance lies not in its accomplishments but in its methodology. Founded by Adam Weishaupt, a law professor at the University of Ingolstadt, the organization created a subtle and powerful blueprint for psychic control based on the systematic manipulation of human passions. Weishaupt’s genius was to synthesize two seemingly opposed organizational models: the spiritual discipline of the Jesuits and the fraternal structure of Freemasonry.
Weishaupt appropriated the Jesuit “examination of conscience” but stripped it of its spiritual purpose—the salvation of the soul—and repurposed it for worldly control. Within the Illuminist structure, this became an instrument of surveillance, not spiritual guidance. The system was based on two key techniques:
Seelenspionage (Spying on the Soul): Superiors were trained in a Semiotik der Seele, or semiotics of the soul, analyzing an adept’s gestures, expressions, and words to discern their true feelings and weaknesses.
Quibus Licet (Reporting System): A hierarchical system of monthly reports in which members spied on one another, with information flowing up the chain to the order’s general. Only the superiors knew the full details contained in these reports.
The file kept on Franz Xaver Zwack illustrates the system’s practical application. This document was a combination of a sexual history, a police dossier, and a credit report. It contained meticulous details on Zwack’s physical characteristics, aptitudes, friends, and, most importantly, his “Principle Passions,” which included “pride, and a craving for honors.” This personal data was collected for the explicit purpose of control, with notes on how to best manipulate him by couching communications “in a mysterious tone.” The Illuminati thus created the first modern, systematic technology of psychic control, a theoretical model that would find its first chaotic and public expression during the French Revolution.
The French Revolution: Theory Put into Practice
The French Revolution served as the first large-scale social experiment where the incitement of passion was deployed as a political weapon. The theories of the philosophes and the methods of the Illuminati moved from the salon and the secret lodge into the streets, with devastating effect, transforming a philosophical debate over ordered liberty (libertas) into a public spectacle of unrestrained license.
The Marquis de Sade, released from the madhouse at Charenton in 1790, emerged as a political orator for the revolutionary state. He articulated a philosophy in which passion was elevated to a civic virtue. For Sade, the new republican state was inherently antithetical to religion and traditional morals, which he viewed as twin instruments of tyranny. The state, he argued, must therefore actively promote passion to break the chains of the old order.
Mary Wollstonecraft’s experience in Paris provides a compelling microcosm of the Revolution’s central contradiction. Having intellectually championed the liberation of passion, she found herself personally overwhelmed and abandoned after entering into a relationship with the American adventurer Gilbert Imlay. Her private anguish mirrored the public chaos unfolding around her as the revolution she had celebrated descended into the Terror. Surrounded by the bloody political sequelae of liberated passion, Wollstonecraft was unable to grasp the connection between the sexual and political disorder, a failure of insight born of her own emotional turmoil.
It was the émigré priest Abbe Augustin Barruel who provided the definitive counter-revolutionary analysis in his Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism. This work became a classic text by taking the events of the Revolution out of the Enlightenment’s pseudo-physical framework and re-situating them in classical ethical and political terms. Barruel’s Memoirs offered a powerful explanatory model that would profoundly influence later thinkers like Mary Shelley in her critique of revolutionary hubris. This early model of revolutionary control, however, would soon be refined and rebranded under the banner of “science” in the 20th century.
Part II: The Rise of “Scientific” Control Mechanisms
The great innovation of the 20th century was to launder the Illuminist project of control through the seemingly unimpeachable authority of “Science.” The revolutionary society was replaced by the psychological clinic and the research foundation, making the old techniques more potent, more pervasive, and far more insidious than their 18th-century predecessors.
Psychoanalysis: A New “Technology of the Soul”
The project of psychic control shifted from the secret lodge to the scientific discipline with the rise of Freudian psychoanalysis. In this new form of Illuminism, the techniques of control were medicalized and monetized. Psychoanalysis was the perfection of Weishaupt’s Semiotik der Seele—a modern “technology of the soul” that systematized the art of controlling individuals through the confession of their passions.
It offered a secular confessional where, for a price, patients could be absolved of guilt while being permitted to hold onto the very vices that caused it. This created what the source describes as a “vampire-like” relationship: the therapist fostered behavior that begot guilt, thereby binding the patient to an interminable and expensive regimen of therapy.
The cornerstone of Freudian theory, the Oedipus Complex, is interpreted by the source not as a scientific discovery but as a political weapon. Derived from Friedrich Nietzsche’s reading of Greek tragedy, it was a tool to “force nature to reveal her secrets” by championing incest as a revolutionary act against the father—and by extension, against “Rome,” the symbol of the Christian social order. Freud’s epigraph for The Interpretation of Dreams—”If the powers above ignore me, I will move the powers of hell”—is presented as a cryptic statement of this political program.
The subsequent conflict between Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung is framed not as an intellectual disagreement, but as a power struggle over who would control this potent new psychic technology and its wealthy clientele. The case of Medill McCormick, a wealthy American patient treated by Jung, illustrates the stakes. Both men understood that psychoanalysis was a powerful and profitable tool for managing the guilt of the elite. Their break was a battle over who would get to exploit this new technology of the soul.
Behaviorism and Advertising: Engineering the Mindless Consumer
Parallel to the development of psychoanalysis, behaviorism emerged as a more overt technology of social engineering. Its aim was not to understand the soul but to predict and control behavior, making it the perfect tool for social engineers seeking to create a populace amenable to management by a new scientific elite.
John B. Watson, the founder of behaviorism, developed a psychology that mirrored his own personal failings. A man who was never in control of his own sexual behavior, he created a system where the concept of self-control had no meaning. For Watson, human beings were simply organic machines reacting to stimuli; reason and consciousness were irrelevant. Behaviorism is therefore not a psychology but a technology of psychic control based on stimulus-response.
This technology was eagerly embraced by plutocrats and large foundations, most notably the Rockefeller Foundation, which saw its potential for creating an “empire of mindless consumers.” The project of mass-market advertising required the systematic erosion of traditional authorities—family, religion, ethnicity, and community—and their replacement with “science” and national brand names.
The advertising executive Stanley Resor hired Watson with the explicit goal of creating a “new man” for this consumer society. This ideal consumer was not frugal or bound by tradition but was, in the words of one historian, “reactive, suggestible, and impulsive.” By reducing human action to a set of controllable reflexes, behaviorism provided the theoretical justification for an advertising industry dedicated to engineering a passive and easily manipulated public, a project that would be further systematized by the field of public relations.
Public Relations: The Invisible Government
As traditional moral structures were deliberately eroded by materialism and consumerism, the resulting social chaos required a new form of management. Public relations, as conceived by pioneers like Edward Bernays, emerged to fill this vacuum, offering a method for an “invisible government” to manage the masses whose passions had been “liberated.”
Bernays, Sigmund Freud’s nephew, operated from a clear premise. In a “world without God,” social chaos was inevitable. Therefore, to “prevent disaster,” it was necessary for an elite group of PR counselors to create “man-made gods” and “assert subtle social control.” Liberalism, having unleashed the passions by dissolving traditional morality, now required a new instrument to manage the consequences.
The “Torches of Freedom” campaign serves as a paradigmatic case study. Hired by the American Tobacco Company to open the female market for cigarettes, Bernays understood that the taboo against women smoking was primarily sexual. To break it, he had to attack the underlying moral standard. During a 1929 parade, he arranged for a group of fashionable young women to light up their cigarettes, brilliantly linking a consumer product (Lucky Strikes) to a powerful social and sexual ideology (women’s liberation). By transforming an act of consumption into a political statement, Bernays not only created a vast new market but also demonstrated the immense power of manipulating passions for both commercial and social ends. These powerful psychological tools, honed in the world of commerce, would soon be applied to the ideological battlefields of the 20th century.
Part III: The 20th-Century Culture Wars
Revolutionary Regimes and Sexual Politics
The revolutionary movements of the 20th century became vast laboratories for testing the relationship between sexual liberation and state control. In both Bolshevik Russia and Nazi Germany, the manipulation of sexual mores proved to be a powerful instrument of political consolidation and social engineering.
The Bolshevik experiment is epitomized by the figure of Alexandra Kollontai, the minister of social welfare. Kollontai projected her personal drive for “freedom” from conventional marriage into a state policy aimed at the “withering away of the family.” This program resulted in authoritarian measures designed to transfer loyalty from the family to the state. Bolsheviks like Zlata Lilina argued that children needed to be rescued from their parents and nationalized: “They will be taught the ABCs of Communism and later become true Communists. Our task now is to oblige the mother to give her children to us - to the Soviet State.” The widespread sexual license that followed led to such profound social collapse and anarchy that the Soviet regime was forced to reverse course, pragmatically reimposing traditional family structures to prevent societal disintegration.
In Nazi Germany, a different dynamic emerged. According to the source, the regime’s largely homosexual leadership turned the state’s legal and moral apparatus into a weapon against its enemies. The infamous Paragraph 175 was amended in 1935 to criminalize any behavior that could be construed as indicating homosexual inclination. This vaguely worded law provided a potent political weapon, and false accusations of homosexuality were systematically used to defame, imprison, and eliminate political opponents, particularly Catholic clergymen. Thus, the pretext of upholding sexual morality was used for the purpose of political consolidation.
While these European regimes offered overt expressions of political control through sexual politics, a more subtle and arguably more enduring strategy was metastasizing in the United States, cloaked not in the flags of revolution but in the white lab coats of eugenic science.
The Eugenic Project and the Catholic Opposition
In the United States, the interests of wealthy, eugenics-minded foundations and bohemian radicals converged around the cause of birth control. This alliance saw contraception as a tool for both social reform and social control, uniting the financial power of families like the Rockefellers with the ideological fervor of activists like Margaret Sanger.
Birth control was promoted as a Malthusian solution to poverty—an argument, dating back to Thomas Malthus, that societal ills stem not from unjust economic distribution but from the poor breeding beyond their means. This framing diverted public attention from demands for economic justice, such as higher wages, and instead placed the blame for poverty on the poor themselves. The creation of Planned Parenthood, particularly its “Negro Program,” is presented as a direct continuation of this eugenic goal, explicitly designed to “reduce their birthrate.”
The primary intellectual and political opposition to this Malthusian/eugenic agenda came from the Catholic Church. Figures like Msgr. John Ryan of Catholic University argued forcefully that the root of poverty was not overpopulation but an unjust economic system. In opposition to the eugenicists’ focus on population control, the Church advocated for economic justice, specifically the concept of a family wage sufficient for a worker to support his wife and children. This fundamental conflict with the Catholic Church would soon escalate into a broader, more sophisticated campaign of psychological warfare.
Psychological Warfare and the Subversion of the Moral Order
The post-World War II era saw the various threads of social engineering synthesized into a coordinated campaign of psychological warfare against traditional American morality. The source frames this as a multi-pronged assault, a pincer movement in which the Catholic Church, with its robust defense of sexual morality, was the primary target.
Alfred Kinsey’s research, funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, provided the fraudulent “scientific” data. It is presented not as objective science but as an instrument of social control. The source argues that Kinsey’s methodology—gathering compromising sexual data on the very figures who controlled his funding—created a dynamic where the threat of blackmail was ever-present, ensuring their continued support for his pre-determined liberationist agenda.
Paul Blanshard, supported by the same liberal elites and foundations, waged the public political war. His popular books, like American Freedom and Catholic Power, framed the Church’s moral teachings—its opposition to birth control and divorce—as the central threat to American democracy. Sex, not theology, was the heart of his animus.
Finally, Carl Rogers supplied the psychological tools for internal subversion. Thus, the techniques of psychological warfare, honed in the study of brainwashing, were deployed not against a foreign enemy but against an order of American nuns. Within the Immaculate Heart of Mary (IHM) order, Rogers’s encounter groups were used to deconstruct identity, loyalty, and faith under the guise of therapy. This campaign to foster “individual independence” at the expense of institutional vows culminated in the order’s implosion—a victory for liberation that proved indistinguishable from institutional annihilation. Paralleling these covert operations was a public political struggle that would become the primary vehicle for this cultural revolution: the civil rights movement.
Civil Rights, White Guilt, and the Rejection of the Family
According to the source, the civil rights movement became the primary vehicle for “a vast social, technological, sexual and moral revolution” orchestrated by the liberal establishment. This transformation is starkly illustrated by the controversy surrounding the 1965 Moynihan Report, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action.
Rooted in Catholic social teaching, the report was a groundbreaking policy initiative that identified the deterioration of the Black family structure as the central cause of persistent poverty and proposed strengthening the family as the primary goal of government policy. However, this family-centric approach was vehemently rejected by the Left and the movement’s backers. The report’s focus on family pathology, illegitimacy, and the need for a “reform of conduct” directly contradicted the ascendant ideology of sexual liberation. Its opponents were unwilling to accept a framework that implicitly criticized sexual behavior, preferring to maintain race and discrimination as the sole explanations for inequality. The defeat of the Moynihan Report marked a pivotal moment: the agenda of sexual liberation was prioritized over economic and social solutions centered on the family.
The source further claims that the internal sexual dynamics of the movement, particularly the role of “white guilt” and the sexual exploitation of white female volunteers by black male leaders, created a culture of resentment that served as a catalyst for the subsequent rise of feminism and other identity-based grievance movements. With a family-centric policy now defeated, the path was clear for a commercially driven model of sexual liberation to become the dominant force in American culture.
Part IV: The Triumph of Libido Dominandi
The Pornographic Society: From Liberation to Addiction
The rise of mass-market pornography represents the logical culmination of this historical trajectory. Here, “liberation” is fully realized as a commercial product that systematically fosters addiction, isolation, and, ultimately, control.
The 1970 Lockhart Commission, heavily influenced by Kinsey’s legacy, concluded that pornography had no significant negative effects. This finding stands in stark contrast to the lived reality of those caught in the industry. The lives of figures like Bettie Page, who descended from pin-up model to psychosis, and Linda Lovelace, who later described her career in the “chic” film Deep Throat as a form of white slavery, serve as case studies of the devastating human cost. For them, liberation led directly to exploitation and mental breakdown.
Pornography functions as the ultimate tool of control by creating what one psychologist termed the “empty self”—a self that must be continually filled by consumption. The modern sexual liberation championed by pornographers reduces all sex to masturbation, the most profitable and isolating sexual option. It creates a world of docile, addicted consumers whose passions can be endlessly stimulated and monetized.
When the 1986 Meese Commission sought to document the harms of pornography, it was met with a ferocious counter-offensive from the “masturbation industry” and the Media Coalition. This coalition hired powerful PR firms like Gray and Co. to orchestrate a campaign that successfully framed the debate as a First Amendment issue, thereby discrediting the commission’s findings and protecting a multi-billion dollar industry built on addiction. The political apotheosis of this movement would arrive with the presidency of Bill Clinton.
The Clinton Presidency: A Referendum on the Revolution
The Monica Lewinsky scandal was more than a personal failing; it became a national political crisis that forced a referendum on the entire sexual revolution. The outcome revealed that the esoteric doctrine of the Enlightenment—control through passion—had become the explicit, operative principle of mainstream American political life.
The initial reaction from the “talking class” and feminist leaders was one of condemnation. However, once it became clear that President Clinton would not resign, their position underwent a dramatic reversal. The defense of the president became a defense of the sexual revolution itself. Clinton shrewdly wrapped his political fortunes in the mantle of sexual liberation, forcing his supporters to defend his actions in order to defend their own sexual mores.
Commentators like Maureen Dowd and Anthony Lewis explicitly framed the investigation as an attempt to “overturn the ‘60s.” A vote against Clinton was portrayed as a vote against sexual freedom. This forced the liberal establishment to abandon any pretense of a consistent moral standard and rally behind a leader whose behavior they had previously condemned.
The crisis demonstrated a fundamental political principle: in the absence of a shared moral order, power becomes the only measure of right and wrong. When Demos, the people, abandons morals for the gratification of passion, it guarantees its own subjugation, for the rich and powerful will always get away with more. The Clinton presidency marked the moment when the liberation of passion was no longer a covert strategy of the elite but the publicly acknowledged price of political power.
Conclusion: The Circle of Control
For over two centuries, the incitement of passion under the guise of “liberation” has served as the esoteric doctrine of social and political control. This analysis has traced the evolution of this powerful idea, revealing a consistent strategy applied across different eras and disciplines.
The intellectual lineage of this project descends directly from the philosophical speculations of the Enlightenment, which sought to remove moral obstacles by redefining humanity as a machine devoid of free will. It was first tested in the revolutionary fires of France, then refined into a “scientific” methodology by 20th-century psychology, from the psychoanalytic couch to the behavioral laboratory. This psychological toolkit was then deployed in advertising, public relations, and large-scale political engineering, culminating in the culture wars that targeted traditional morality and its primary defender, the Catholic Church. The final stage of this evolution is the triumph of a commercially-driven, pornographic culture that transforms citizens into isolated, addicted consumers.
The project of Libido Dominandi thus results in a society where individuals, believing themselves to be freer than ever, become thralls to the very passions that are systematically manufactured and manipulated for political and financial gain. This completes the paradoxical circle described by St. Augustine, where the insatiable lust for dominion results in a state of total and willing bondage.







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